Shinto 1 Shinto is a practice of religious rites based on the Japanese polytheistic idea of kami (deity). The word Shintō literally means 'Way of Kami.' Scholars of Shinto often maintain that it is the indigenous religion of Japan 2. Frontmatter pp. Page i center for japanese studies bibliographical series number 7 celn i 'r fo. Japanese studies 108 lane hall university of michigan ann arbor, michigan japanese religion and philosophy: a guide to japanese reference and research materials.

Shingaku, (Japanese: “Heart Learning,” or “Mind Learning”) religious and movement in founded by ( ad 1685–1744). It pays particular devotion to the Amaterasu and to the uji-gami, or Shintō tutelary deities, but also uses in its popular the teachings of. Training consists in the original purity of the soul. Human nature is identified with the natural moral order, and due respect is paid to existing social traditions. Shingaku flourished throughout Japan until the end of the Tokugawa regime ( ad 1603–1867).

A torii gateway to the Yobito Shrine ( Yobito-jinja) in Abashiri City, HokkaidoThere is no universally agreed definition of Shinto. However, the authors Joseph Cali and John Dougill stated that if there was 'one single, broad definition of Shinto' that could be put forward, it would be that 'Shinto is a belief in ', the supernatural entities at the centre of the religion. The Japanologist stated that 'Shinto encompasses doctrines, institutions, ritual, and communal life based on kami worship', while the scholar of religion observed the term was 'often used' in 'reference to kami worship and related theologies, rituals and practices.'

Various scholars have referred to practitioners of Shinto as Shintoists. The philosopher thought this term to be 'untranslatable' and 'meaningless' in the Japanese language. Some people prefer to view Shinto not as a religion but as a 'way', partly as a pretence for attempting to circumvent the modern Japanese and restore the historical links between Shinto and the Japanese state.Scholars have debated at what point in history it is legitimate to start talking about Shinto as a specific phenomenon. The scholar of religion for instance suggested that one could 'speak of the kami religion of Japan, which lived symbiotically with organized Buddhism, and only later was institutionalized as Shinto.' The scholar of religion Brian Bocking stressed that the term should 'be approached with caution', particularly when it was applied to periods before the Meiji era, Inoue Nobutaka stated that 'Shinto cannot be considered as a single religious system that existed from the ancient to the modern period', while the historian noted that 'before modern times Shinto did not exist as an independent religion'. Categorization Many scholars refer to Shinto as a.

However, religion as a concept arose in Europe and many of the connotations that the term has in 'do not readily apply' to Shinto. Unlike religions familiar in Western countries, such as and, Shinto has no single founder, nor any single canonical text. Western religions have tended to stress exclusivity, but in Japan, it has long been considered acceptable to practice different religious traditions simultaneously. Japanese religion is therefore highly. Shinto is often cited alongside as one of the two main religions of Japan, and the two often differ in focus, with Buddhism emphasising the idea of transcending the cosmos, which it regards as being replete with suffering, while Shinto focuses on adapting to the pragmatic requirements of life. Shinto incorporates elements borrowed from religious traditions imported into Japan from mainland Asia, such as Buddhism, and practices. It bears many similarities with other, in particular through its belief in many different deities.

Some scholars suggest we talk about types of Shintō such as popular Shintō, folk Shintō, domestic Shintō, sectarian Shintō, imperial house Shintō, shrine Shintō, state Shintō, new Shintō religions, etc. Rather than regard Shintō as a single entity. This approach can be helpful but begs the question of what is meant by 'Shintō' in each case, particularly since each category incorporates or has incorporated Buddhist, Confucian, Taoist, folk religious and other elements.— Scholar of religion Brian BockingScholars of religion have debated how best to classify Shinto. Inoue argued for categorizing Shinto 'as a member of the family of East-Asian religions'. Picken suggested that Shinto could be classed as a, while the historian called it a 'major religion'. In the early 21st century it became increasingly common for practitioners to call Shinto a.Shinto is often referred to as an, although this results in debates over the various different definitions of 'indigenous' in the Japanese context. The notion of Shinto as Japan's 'indigenous religion' stemmed from the growth of modern nationalism in the to the.

As a result, the idea that Shinto was an ancient tradition was promoted throughout the population. Associated with this idea of Shinto as Japan's indigenous religion, many priests and practitioners regard it as a prehistoric belief system that has continued uninterrupted throughout, regarding it as something like the 'underlying will of '.

The prominent Shinto theologian Sokyo Ono for instance stated that for the Japanese, kami worship was 'an expression of their native racial faith which arose in the mystic days of remote antiquity', remaining 'as indigenous as the people that brought the Japanese nation into existence and ushered in its new civilization'. Many scholars have argued that this classification is inaccurate. Earhart noted that Shinto's history, which involved incorporating a great deal of Buddhist and Chinese influence, was 'too complex to be labelled simply' as an 'indigenous religion'.Shinto is internally diverse; Nelson noted it was 'not a unified, monolithic entity that has a single center and system all its own'. There is substantial localised variation in how Shinto is practiced. In representing 'a portmanteau term for widely varying types and aspects of religion', Bocking drew comparisons between the word 'Shinto' and the term ', which is also applied to a varied range of beliefs and practices.have been identified.

'Shrine Shinto' refers to the practices centred around shrines. Some scholars have used the term 'Folk Shinto' to designate localised Shinto practices, or the practices of individuals outside of an institutionalised setting, and 'Domestic Shinto' to the ways in which kami are venerated in the home. In various eras of the past, there was also a ', in which Shinto beliefs and practices were closely interwoven with the operations of the Japanese state. Etymology. An artistic depiction of the kami Inari appearing to a manShinto is a belief system involving the veneration of many deities, known as kami, or sometimes as jingi.

As is often the case in the, no distinction is made here between singular and plural, and hence the term kami refers both to individual kami and the collective group of kami. This term has varyingly been translated into English as 'god' or 'spirit'.

However, Earhart noted that there was 'no exact English equivalent' for the word kami, and Kitagawa stated that such English translations were 'quite unsatisfactory and misleading'. Several scholars have argued against translating kami into English. According to, there are eight million kami, and Shinto practitioners believe that they are present everywhere.

They are not regarded as, or necessarily. Some kami, referred to as the magatsuhi-no-kami or araburu kami, are regarded as being essentially malevolent and destructive.The term kami is 'conceptually fluid', and 'vague and imprecise'. In Japanese it is often applied to the power of phenomena that inspire a sense of wonder and awe in the beholder. Kitagawa referred to this as 'the kami nature', stating that he thought it 'somewhat analogous' to the Western ideas of the and the. Kami are seen to inhabit both the living and the dead, organic and inorganic matter, and natural disasters like earthquakes, droughts, and plagues; their presence is seen in natural forces such as the wind, rain, fire, and sunshine. Accordingly, Nelson commented that Shinto regards 'the actual phenomena of the world itself' as being 'divine'.

The Shinto understanding of kami has also been characterised as being both, and.In Japan, kami have been venerated since prehistory, and in the were regarded as being formless and invisible. It was only under the influence of Buddhism that they were depicted anthropomorphically.Kami are often associated with a specific place, often one that is noted as a prominent feature in the landscape such as a waterfall, volcano, large rock, or distinctive tree. The kami is seen as being represented in the shrine by the go-, objects commonly chosen for this purpose include mirrors, swords, stones, beads, and inscribed tablets. Many practitioners visiting the shrine never see the go-shintai, which is concealed from their view. Kami are believed to be capable of both benevolent and destructive deeds. Offerings and prayers are given to the kami to gain their blessings and to dissuade them from engaging in destructive actions. Shinto seeks to cultivate and ensure a harmonious relationship between humans and the kami and thus with the natural world.

More localised kami may be subject to feelings of intimacy and familiarity from members of the local community that are not directed towards more widespread kami like Amaterasu.Kami are not understood as being different from humanity, and in Shinto it is seen as possible for humans to become kami.Dead humans are sometimes venerated as kami, being regarded as protector or ancestral figures. One of the most prominent examples is that of the, who on his death was enshrined as the kami, believed to be a protector of Japan and a kami of war. In Japanese culture, ancestors can be viewed as a form of kami. In Western Japan, the term is used to describe the enshrined kami of a village founder. In some cases, living human beings were also viewed as kami; these were called akitsumi kami or arahito-gami. In the State Shinto system of the Meiji era, the Emperor of Japan was declared to be a kami, while several Shinto sects have also viewed their leaders as living kami.

A 3000 year old sacred tree ofAlthough some kami are venerated only in a single location, others have shrines devoted to them across many areas of Japan. Hachiman for instance has around 25,000 shrines dedicated to him. The act of establishing a new shrine to a kami who already has one is called ('dividing the spirit'). As part of this, the kami is invited to enter a new place, where it can be venerated, with the instalment ceremony being known as a. The new, subsidiary shrine is known as a bunsha. Individual kami are not believed to have their power diminished by their residence in multiple locations, and there is no limit on the number of places a kami can be enshrined. In some periods, fees were charged for the right to enshrine a particular kami in a new place.

Shrines are not necessarily always designed as permanent structures.Many kami are believed to have messengers, known as kami no tsukai or tsuka washime, and these are generally depicted as taking animal form. The messenger of Inari, for example, is depicted as a fox ( ), while the messenger of Hachiman is a dove.Shinto cosmology also includes, spirits who cause malevolent acts. Bakemono include,. Japanese folklore also incorporates belief in the goryō or onryō, unquiet or vengeful spirits, particularly of those who have died violently and without appropriate funerary rites.

These are believed to inflict suffering on the living, meaning that they must be pacified, usually through Buddhist rites but sometimes through enshrining them as a kami. Cosmology and afterlife. And, by Kobayashi Eitaku, late 19th centuryThe origin of the kami and of Japan itself are recounted in two eighth-century texts,. These were texts commissioned by ruling elites to legitimize and consolidate their rule, and drew heavily upon Chinese influence.

These texts were never of great importance to the religious life of the Japanese. Views regarding the truth of the cosmological stories recounted in these texts have varied. In the early twentieth century, for instance, the Japanese government proclaimed that it was irrefutable history.These texts recount that the universe started with ame-tsuchi, the separation of light and pure elements ( ame, 'heaven') from heavy elements ( tsuchi, 'earth'). Three kami then appeared:,.

Other kami followed, including a brother and sister,. The kami instructed Izanagi and Izanami to create land on earth. To this end, the siblings stirred the briny sea with a jewelled spear, from which was formed. Izanagi and Izanami then descended to Earth, where she gave birth to further kami. One of these was a fire kami, whose birth killed Izanami. Izanagi then descended to the netherworld ( yomi) to retrieve his sister, but there he saw her body putrefying. Embarrassed to be seen in this state, she chased him out of yomi, and he closed its entrance with a boulder.Izanagi bathed in the sea to rid himself from the pollution brought about by witnessing Izanami's putrefaction.

Through this act, further kami emerged from his body: (the sun kami) was born from his left eye, (the moon kami) from his right eye, and (the storm kami) from his nose. Susanoo behaved in a destructive manner, and to escape him Amaterasu hid herself within a cave, plunging the earth into darkness. The other kami eventually succeeded in coaxing her out. Susanoo was then banished to earth, where he married and had children.

With humans now living on Earth, the 'age of the gods' came to an end. According to these texts, Amaterasu then sent her grandson, to rule Japan, giving him curved beads, a mirror, and a sword: the symbols of Japanese imperial authority.In Shinto, the creative principle permeating all life is known as. Within traditional Japanese thought, there is no concept of an overarching duality between good and evil. The concept of aki encompasses misfortune, unhappiness, and disaster, although does not correspond precisely with the Western concept of evil.Texts such as the Kojiki and Nihon Shoki attest to the presence of multiple realms in Shinto cosmology. These present a universe divided into three parts: the Plain of High Heaven ( Takama-no-hara), where the kami live; the Phenomenal or Manifested World ( Utsushi-yo), where humans dwell; and the Nether World ( Yomotsu-kuni), where unclean spirits reside. The mythological texts nevertheless do not draw firm demarcations between these realms.Shinto places greater emphasis on this life than on any afterlife.

As the historian of religion noted, 'Japanese religion has been singularly preoccupied with this world, with its emphasis on finding ways to cohabit with the kami and with other human beings'. A common view among Shinto priests is that the dead continue to inhabit our world and work towards the prosperity of their descendants and the land. One traditional belief formerly widespread in Japan was that the spirits of the dead resided in the mountains, from where they would descend to take part in agricultural events.

Purity and impurity A key theme in Shinto thought is the importance of avoiding ('pollution' or 'impurity'), while ensuring ('purity'). In Japanese thought, humans are seen as fundamentally pure. Kegare is therefore seen as being a temporary condition that can be corrected through achieving harae. Rites of purification are conducted so as to restore an individual to 'spiritual' health and render them useful to society. Shinto purification rite after a ceremonial children's tournament at the inThis notion of purity is present in many facets of Japanese culture, such as the focus it places on bathing. Purification is for instance regarded as important in preparation for the planting season, while performers of theatre undergo a purification rite before they carry out their performances.

Among the things regarded as particular pollutants in Shinto are death, disease, witchcraft, the flaying alive of an animal, incest, bestiality, excrement, and blood associated with either menstruation or childbirth. To avoid kegare, priests and other practitioners may engage in abstinence and avoid various activities prior to a festival or ritual.Various words, termed imi-kotoba, are also regarded as taboo, and people avoid speaking them when at a shrine; these include shi (death), byō (illness), and shishi (meat).Full immersion in the sea is often regarded as the most ancient and efficacious form of purification. This act links with the mythological tale in which Izanagi immersed himself in the sea to purify himself after discovering his deceased wife; it was from this act that other kami sprang from his body. An alternative is immersion beneath a waterfall.Salt is often regarded as a purifying substance; some Shinto practitioners will for instance sprinkle salt on themselves after a funeral, while those running restaurants may put a small pile of salt outside before business commences each day. Fire, also, is perceived as a source of purification. Kannagara, morality, and ethics In Shinto, kannagara ('way of the kami') describes the law of the. Shinto incorporates morality tales and myths but no overarching, codified ethical doctrine; Offner noted that Shinto specified no 'unified, systematized code of behaviour'.

Its views of kannagara influence certain ethical views, focused on sincerity ( makoto) and honesty ( tadashii). Shintō sometimes includes reference to four virtues known as the akaki kiyoki kokoro or sei-mei-shin.

Makoto is regarded as a cardinal virtue in Japanese religion more broadly. Offner believed that in Shinto, ideas about goodness linked to 'that which possesses, or relates to, beauty, brightness, excellence, good fortune, nobility, purity, suitability, harmony, conformity, and productivity.'

Shinto's flexibility regarding morality and ethics has been a source of frequent criticism, especially from those arguing that Shinto can readily become a pawn for those wishing to use it to legitimise their authority and power.Throughout Japanese history, the notion of saisei-itchi, or the union of religious authority and political authority, has long been prominent.Cali and Dougill noted that Shinto had long been associated with 'an insular and protective view' of Japanese society. They added that in the modern world, Shinto tends toward conservatism and nationalism. In the late 1990s, Bocking noted that 'an apparently regressive nationalism still seems the natural ally of some central elements' of Shinto.

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As a result of these associations, Shinto is still viewed suspiciously by various groups in Japan and by many of Japan's neighbours. The actions of priests at the Yasukuni Shrine in Tokyo have generated controversy across East AsiaThe priests of Shinto shrines may face various ethical conundrums.

In the 1980s, for instance, the priests at the in debated whether to invite the crew of a U.S. Navy vessel docked at the port city to their festival celebrations given the sensitivities surrounding the. In other cases, priests have opposed construction projects on shrine-owned land, sometimes putting them at odds with other interest groups.

At in the early 2000s, a priest opposed the sale of shrine lands to build a; he was eventually pressured to resign over the issue. Another issue of considerable debate has been the activities of the in Tokyo.

The shrine is devoted to Japan's war dead, and in 1979 it enshrined 14 men, including, who were declared Class-A defendants at the. This generated both domestic and international condemnation, particularly from China and Korea.In the 21st century, Shinto has increasingly been portrayed as a with credentials. Shinto shrines have increasingly emphasised the preservation of the forests surrounding many of them, and several shrines have collaborated with local environmentalist campaigns.

In 2014, an international interreligious conference on environmental sustainability was held at the Ise shrine, attended by representatives and around 700 Shinto priests. Critical commentators have characterised the presentation of Shinto as an environmentalist movement as a rhetorical ploy rather than a concerted effort by Shinto institutions to become environmentally sustainable. The scholar Aike P.

Rots suggested that the repositioning of Shinto as a 'nature religion' may have grown in popularity as a means of disassociating the religion from controversial issues 'related to war memory and imperial patronage.' Practice Shinto tends to focus on ritual behavior rather than doctrine. The philosophers James W.

Boyd and Ron G. Williams stated that Shinto is 'first and foremost a ritual tradition', while Picken observed that 'Shinto is interested not in credenda but in agenda, not in things that should be believed but in things that should be done.'

The scholar of religion Clark B. Offner stated that Shinto's focus was on 'maintaining communal, ceremonial traditions for the purpose of human (communal) well-being'.It is often difficult to distinguish Shinto practices from Japanese customs more broadly, with Picken observing that the 'worldview of Shinto' provided the 'principal source of self-understanding within the Japanese way of life'.

Nelson stated that 'Shinto-based orientations and values lie at the core of Japanese culture, society, and character'. Depictions of torii at the Fushimi Inari-taisha shrine in KyotoShrine entrances are marked by a two-post gateway with either one or two crossbeams atop it, known as. The exact details of these torii varies and there are at least twenty different styles.

These are regarded as demarcating the area where the kami resides; passing under them is often viewed as a form of purification. More broadly, torii are internationally recognised symbols of Japan. Their architectural form is distinctly Japanese, although the decision to paint most of them in reflects a Chinese influence dating from the Nara period. Also set at the entrances to many shrines are, statues of lion or dog like animals perceived to scare off malevolent spirits; typically these will come as a pair, one with its mouth open, the other with its mouth closed.Shrines are often set within gardens, even in cities. Others are surrounded by wooded groves, referred to as chinju no mori ('forest of the tutelary kami'). These vary in size, from just a few trees to sizeable areas of woodland stretching over mountain slopes.

Shrines often have an office, known as a shamusho, and other buildings such as a priests' quarters and a storehouse. Various kiosks often sell amulets to visitors. Since the late 1940s, shrines have had to be financially self-sufficient, relying on the donations of worshippers and visitors.

These funds are used to pay the wages of the priests, to finance the upkeep of the buildings, to cover the shrine's membership fees of various regional and national Shinto groups, and to contribute to disaster relief funds.In Shinto, it is seen as important that the places in which kami are venerated be kept clean and not neglected. Through to the Edo period, it was common for Shinto shrines to be demolished and rebuilt at a nearby location so as to remove any pollutants and ensure purity.

This has continued into recent times at certain sites, such as the Ise Grand Shrine, which is moved to an adjacent site every two decades. Separate shrines can also be merged in a process known as jinja gappei. Shrines may have legends about their foundation, which are known as en-gi. These sometimes also record miracles associated with the shrine. From the Heian period on, the en-gi were often retold on picture scrolls known as. Priesthood and miko.

Yutateshinji ceremony performed by Shinto priests at the inShrines may be cared for by priests, by local communities, or by families on whose property the shrine is found. Shinto priests are known in Japanese as, meaning 'proprietor of kami'. Many kannushi take on the role in a line of hereditary succession traced down specific families. In contemporary Japan, there are two main training universities for those wishing to become Shinto priests, at in Tokyo and at in. Priests can rise through the ranks over the course of their careers. The number of priests at a particular shrine can vary; some shrines can have over 12 priests, and others have none, instead being administered by local lay volunteers.

Some priests earn a living administering to multiple small shrines, sometimes over ten or more.Priestly dress includes a tall, rounded hat known as an eboshi, and black lacquered wooden clogs known as asagutsu. Also part of standard priestly attire is a hiōgi fan.

The outer garment worn by a priest, usually colored black, red, or light blue, is the hō, or the ikan. A white silk version of the ikan, used for formal occasions, is known as the saifuku. Another priestly robe is the kariginu, which is modeled on heian-style hunting garments. A priest purifies the area in front of the residence of a kami.Some Shinto practitioners do not offer their prayers to the kami directly, but rather request that a priest offer them on their behalf; these prayers are known as kitō.

Many individuals approach the kami asking for pragmatic requests. Requests for rain, known as amagoi ('rain-soliciting') have been found across Japan, with Inari a popular choice for such requests.Other prayers reflect more contemporary concerns. For instance, people may ask that the priest approaches the kami so as to the purify their car in the hope that this will prevent it from being involved in an accident. Similarly, transport companies often request purification rites for new buses or airplanes which are about to go into service.Before a building is constructed, it is common for either private individuals or the construction company to employ a Shinto priest to come to the land being developed and perform the, or earth sanctification ritual.

This purifies the site and asks the kami to bless it.People often ask the kami to help offset inauspicious events that may affect them. For instance, in Japanese culture, the age 33 is seen as being unlucky for women and the age 42 for men, and thus people can ask the kami to offset any ill-fortune associated with being this age. Certain directions can also be seen as being inauspicious for certain people at certain times and thus people can approach the kami asking them to offset this problem if they have to travel in one of these unlucky directions.has long been an important facet of Japanese religion, and Shinto features pilgrimages to shrines, which are known as. A round of pilgrimages, whereby individuals visit a series of shrines and other sacred sites that are part of an established circuit, is known as a.For many centuries, people have also visited the shrines for primarily cultural and recreational reasons, as opposed to spiritual ones. Many of the shrines are recognised as sites of historical importance and some are classified as.

Shrines such as and in Kyoto, in Tokyo, and in Nagoya are among Japan's most popular tourist sites. Harae and hōbei. Shinto rituals begin with a process of purification, often involving the washing of the hands and mouth at the temizu basin; this example is at Itsukushima Jinja.Shinto rituals begin with a process of purification, or harae. This entails an individual sprinkling water on the face and hands, a procedure known as temizu, using a font known as a. Another form of purification at the start of a Shinto rite entails waving a white paper streamer or wand known as the. When not in use, the haraigushi is usually kept in a stand. The priest waves the haraigushi horizontally over a person or object being purified in a movement known as sa-yu-sa ('left-right-left').

Sometimes, instead of a haraigushi, the purification is carried out with an o-nusa, a branch of evergreen to which strips of paper have been attached.The acts of purification accomplished, petitions known as norito are spoken to the kami. This is followed by an appearance by the miko, who commence in a slow circular motion before the main altar. Offerings to the kami at the nearFollowing the purification procedure, offerings are presented to the kami by being placed on a table. This act is known as hōbei.Historically, the offerings given the kami included food, cloth, swords, and horses. In the contemporary period, lay worshippers usually give gifts of money to the kami while priests generally offer them food, drink, and sprigs of the sacred tree.

A common offering in the present are sprigs of the tree. Animal sacrifices are not considered appropriate offerings, as the shedding of blood is seen as a vile act that necessitates purification. The offerings presented are sometimes simple and sometimes more elaborate; at the Grand Shrine of Ise, for instance, 100 styles of food are laid out as offerings.After the offerings have been given, people often sip rice wine known as o-miki. Drinking the o-miki wine is seen as a form of communion with the kami.

On important occasions, a feast is then held, known as naorai, inside a banquet hall attached to the shrine complex.The Kami are believed to enjoy music. One style of music performed at shrines is.

Instruments used include three reeds (fue, sho, and hichiriki), the, and the 'three drums' (taiko, kakko, and shōko). Other musical styles performed at shrines can have a more limited focus.

At shrines such as in Kyoto, ('eastern entertainment') music is performed on April 8th. Also in Kyoto, various festivals make use of the style of music and dance, which originated from rice-planting songs.

During rituals, people visiting the shrine are expected to sit in the style, with their legs tucked beneath their bottom. To avoid cramps, individuals who hold this position for a lengthy period of time may periodically move their legs and flex their heels.

Home Shrines. A kamidana displaying a andMany Shinto practitioners also have a or family shrine in their home. These usually consist of shelves placed at an elevated position in the living room. The popularity of kamidana increased greatly during the Meiji era.

Kamidana can also be found in workplaces, restaurants, shops, and ocean-going ships. Some public shrines sell entire kamidana. Along with the kamidana, many Japanese households also have, Buddhist altars enshrining the ancestors of the family; ancestral reverence remains an important aspect of Japanese religious tradition.Kamidana often enshrine the kami of a nearby public shrine as well as a tutelary kami associated with the house's occupants or their profession. They can be decorated with miniature torii and shimenawa and include amulets obtained from public shrines. They often contain a stand on which to place offerings; daily offerings of rice, salt, and water are placed there, with sake and other items also offered on special days. Prior to giving these offerings, practitioners often bathe, rinse their mouth, or wash their hands as a form of purification.Household Shinto can focus attention on the dōzoku-shin, kami who are perceived to be ancestral to the or extended kinship group. Small village shrines containing the tutelary kami of an extended family are known as iwai-den.In addition to the temple shrines and the household shrines, Shinto also features small wayside shrines known as.

Other open spaces used for the worship of kami are, an area surrounded by sacred rocks. Ema, divination, and amulets.

A selection of wooden ema hanging up at a Shinto shrineA common feature of Shinto shrines is the provision of, small wooden plaques onto which practitioners will write a wish or desire that they would like to see fulfilled. The practitioner's message is written on one side of the plaque, while on the other is usually a printed picture or pattern related to the shrine itself. Ema are provided both at Shinto shrines and Buddhist temples in Japan; unlike most amulets, which are taken away from the shrine, the ema are typically left there as a message for the resident kami. Those administering the shrine will then often burn all of the collected ema at new year.A form of divination that is popular at Shinto shrines are the. These are small slips of paper which are obtained from the shrine (for a donation) and which are then read to reveal a prediction for the future.

Those who receive a bad prediction often then tie the omikuji to a nearby tree or frame set up for the purpose. This act is seen as rejecting the prediction, a process called sute-mikuji, and thus avoiding the misfortune it predicted.The use of are widely sanctioned and popular in Japan. These may be made of paper, wood, cloth, metal, or plastic. Act as amulets to keep off misfortune and also serve as talismans to bring benefits and good luck. They typically comprise a tapering piece of wood onto which the name of the shrine and its enshrined kami are written or printed.

The ofuda is then wrapped inside white paper and tied up with a colored thread. Ofuda are provided both at Shinto shrines and Buddhist temples. Another type of amulet provided at shrines and temples are the, which are traditionally small, brightly colored drawstring bags with the name of the shrine written on it. Omamori and ofuda are sometimes placed within a charm bag known as a, typically worn by small children.At new year, many shrines sell hamaya ('evil-destroying arrows') which people can purchase and keep in their home over the coming year to bring good luck.A is a round, paper doll of the Indian monk,.

The recipient makes a wish and paints one eye; when the goal is accomplished, the recipient paints the other eye. While this is a Buddhist practice, darumas can be found at shrines, as well. These dolls are very common.Other protective items include dorei, which are earthenware bells that are used to pray for good fortune. These bells are usually in the shapes of the zodiacal animals. Inuhariko are paper dogs that are used to induce and to bless good births. Collectively, these talismans through which home to manipulate events and influence spirits, as well as related mantras and rites for the same purpose, are known as.

Kagura describes the music and dance performed for the kami. Throughout Japanese history, dance has played an important culture role and in Shinto it is regarded as having the capacity to pacify kami. There is a tale of how kagura dance came into existence. According to the and the, performed a dance to entice out of the cave in which she had hidden herself. The word 'kagura' is thought to be a contracted form of kami no kura or 'seat of the kami' or the 'site where the kami is received.' A kagura traditional dance performed at the Ymanashi-oka shrineThere are two broad types of kagura. One is Imperial kagura, also known as mikagura.

This style was developed in the imperial court and is still performed on every December. It is also performed at the Imperial harvest festival and at major shrines such as Ise,. It is performed by singers and musicians using wooden clappers, a, a flute, and a six-stringed zither. The other main type is sato-kagura, descended from mikagura and performed at shrines across Japan. Depending on the style, it is performed by miko or by actors wearing masks to portray various mythological figures. These actors are accompanied by a hayashi band using flutes and drums.

There are also other, regional types of kagura.Music plays a very important role in the kagura performance. Everything from the setup of the instruments to the most subtle sounds and the arrangement of the music is crucial to encouraging the kami to come down and dance.

The songs are used as magical devices to summon the kami and as prayers for blessings. Rhythm patterns of five and seven are common, possibly relating to the Shinto belief of the twelve generations of heavenly and earthly deities. There is also vocal accompaniment called kami uta in which the drummer sings sacred songs to the kami. Often the vocal accompaniment is overshadowed by the drumming and instruments, reinforcing that the vocal aspect of the music is more for rather than.In both ancient Japanese collections, the Kojiki and the Nihon Shoki, Ame-no-uzeme's dance is described as asobi, which in the old Japanese language means a ceremony that is designed to appease the spirits of the departed, and which was conducted at funeral ceremonies.

Therefore, kagura is a rite of tama shizume, of pacifying the spirits of the departed. In the, this was one of the important rites at the Imperial Court and had found its fixed place in the tama shizume festival in the eleventh month. At this festival people sing as accompaniment to the dance: 'Depart! Be cleansed and go! Be purified and leave!'

This rite of purification is also known as chinkon. It was used for securing and strengthening the soul of a dying person. It was closely related to the ritual of tama furi (shaking the spirit), to call back the departed soul of the dead or to energize a weakened spirit. Spirit pacification and rejuvenation were usually achieved by songs and dances, also called asobi. The ritual of chinkon continued to be performed on the emperors of Japan, thought to be descendants of Amaterasu. It is possible that this ritual is connected with the ritual to revive the sun kami during the low point of the winter solstice.

Festivals. Participants in a procession for Aoi Matsuri in KyotoPublic festivals are known as.Picken suggested that the festival was 'the central act of Shinto worship' because Shinto was a 'community- and family-based' religion. According to a traditional view of the, Shinto shrines should hold their festival celebrations on hare-no-hi or 'clear' days', the days of the new, full, and half moons. Other days, known as ke-no-hi, were generally avoided for festivities. However, since the late 20th century, many shines have held their festival celebrations on the Saturday or Sunday closest to the date so that fewer individuals will be working and will be able to attend the festivities.Spring festivals are called haru-matsuri and often incorporate prayers for a good harvest. They sometimes incorporate ta-asobi ceremonies, in which rice is ritually planted.Autumn festivals are known as aki-matsuri and primarily focus on thanking the kami for the rice or other harvest. The, or festival of new rice, is held across many Shinto shrines on 23 November.

The Emperor also conducts a ceremony to mark this festival, at which he presents the first fruits of the harvest to the kami at midnight. Winter festivals, called fuyu no matsuri often feature on welcoming in the spring, expelling evil, and calling in good influences for the future. There is little difference between winter festivals and specific new year festivals. Procession of the kami as part of the festival in TokyoMany people visit shrines to celebrate new year; this 'first visit' of the year is known as hatsumōde or hatsumairi.

There, they buy amulets and talismans to bring them good fortune over the coming year. To celebrate this festival, many Japanese put up rope known as on their hopes and places of business. Some also put up ('gateway pine'), an arrangement of pine branches, plum tree, and bamboo sticks. Also displayed are, which are smaller and more colourful; their purpose is to keep away misfortune and attract good fortune. In many places, new year celebrations incorporate ('naked festivals') in which men dressed only in a loincloth, engage in a particular activity, such as fighting over a specific object or immersing themselves in a river.Many festivals are specific to particular shrines or regions. The festival, held on May 15th to pray for an abundant grain harvest, takes place at shrines in.Processions or parades during Shinto festivals are known as. During public processions, the kami travel in portable shrines known as.

The processions for matsuri can be raucous, with many of the participants being drunk. They are often understood as having a regenerative effect on both the participants and the community. In various cases the mikoshi undergo hamaori ('going down to the beach'), a process by which they are carried to the sea shore and sometimes into the sea, either by bearers or a boat. In the festival held in the southwestern city of, the kami of the are paraded down to, where they are placed in a shrine there for several days before being paraded back to Suwa. Rites of passage The formal recognition of events is given great importance in Japanese culture.

A common ritual, the, entails a child's first visit to a Shinto shrine. A tradition holds that, if a boy he should be brought to the shrine on the thirty-second day after birth, and if a girl she should be brought on the thirty-third day. Historically, the child was commonly brought to the shrine not by the mother, who was considered impure after birth, but by another female relative; since the late 20th century it has been more common for the mother to do so.Another, the, is a coming of age ritual marking the transition to adulthood and occurs when an individual is around twenty.Wedding ceremonies are often carried out at Shinto shrines. In Japan, funerals tend to take place at Buddhist temples; with Shintō funerals being rare. Bocking noted that most Japanese people are 'still 'born Shinto' yet 'die Buddhist'.'

In Shinto thought, contact with death is seen as imparting impurity ( kegare); the period following this contact is known as kibuku and is associated with various taboos. In cases when dead humans are enshrined as kami, the physical remains of the dead are not stored at the shrine. Although not common, there have been examples of funerals conducted through Shinto rites. The earliest examples are known from the mid-seventeenth century; these occurred in certain areas of Japan and had the support of the local authorities.Following the Meiji Restoration, in 1868 the government recognised specifically Shinto funerals for Shinto priests. Five years later, this was extended to cover the entire Japanese population.

Despite this Meiji promotion of Shinto funerals, the majority of the population continued to have Buddhist funeral rites.Ancestral reverence remains an important part of Japanese religious custom. Divination and spirit mediumship. The headquarters of the Association of Shinto Shrines in,.During the U.S.

Occupation, a new constitution was drawn up. This both enshrined in Japan and initiated the, a measure designed to eradicate 'state Shinto' ( kokka shinto). As part of this, the Emperor formally declared that he was not a kami; any Shinto rituals performed by the imperial family became their own private affair.

This disestablishment meant that the government subsidies to shrines ceased, although it also provided shrines with renewed freedom to organise their own affairs. In 1946 many shrines then formed a voluntary organisation, the (Jinja Honchō), through which they could coordinate their efforts.

In 1956 the association issued a creedal statement, the keishin seikatsu no kōryō ('general characteristics of a life lived in reverence of the kami'), to summarise what they regarded as the principles of Shinto practice. By the late 1990s around 80% of Japan's Shinto shrines were part of this association.In the post-war decades, many Japanese blamed Shinto for encouraging the militaristic policy which had resulted in defeat and occupation. Conversely, many Shinto practitioners remained nostalgic for the State Shinto system, and concerns were repeatedly expressed that sectors of Japanese society were conspiring to restore it. Post-war, various legal debates have occurred over the involvement of public officials in Shinto. In 1965, for instance, the city of, Mie Prefecture paid four Shinto priests to purify the site where the municipal athletic hall was to be built. Critics brought the case to court, claiming it contravened the constitutional separation of church and state; in 1971 the high court ruled that the city administration's act had been unconstitutional.

In the post-war period, Shinto themes were often blended into Japanese; of the Sect Shinto groups, was probably the most successful in the post-war decades, although in 1970 it repudiated its Shinto identity.Shinto has also spread abroad to a limited extent, and a few non-Japanese Shinto priests have been ordained. A relatively small number of people practice Shinto in America. There are several. Shrines were also established in and Korea during the period of, but following the war, they were either destroyed or converted into some other use. The in, was the first to establish a branch abroad: the, initially located in California and then moved to.Shinto perspectives also exerted an influence on popular culture. The film director of for instance acknowledged Shinto influences on his creation of films such as.

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CS1 maint: ref=harv Further reading.